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Left-Wing” Communism, an In¬fantile Disorder


Left-Wing” Communism,

an Infantile Disorder



2020, 178 p., paperback,

$ 5,00, £ 6,00 (€ 6,00)


100 years have gone by since, in June 1920, still in the heart of the internationalist battle triggered by the October Revolution, Lenin published “Left-Wing” Communism, an In¬fantile Disorder, almost at the same time as the opening of the proceedings of the Second Congress of the Communist International, founded the previous year in March 1919. A real global What Is to Be Done? that formed the referen¬tial thread for all the contributions presented in the course of the congress by the exponents of the Bolshevik leader¬ship, and which Grigory Zinoviev himself, the chairman of the Comintern’s Executive Committee, defined as a work that, “for Marxist theory, is no less important than Marx’s Capital”. Unfortunately, falling a prey to Stalinism and uprooted from its inseparable connection with internationalist strat¬egy, the book would end up, paradoxically, being reduced to a “tactics manual”, to be used to condemn as “left-wing” communism every criticism of the worst compromises and unprincipled “about-turns” of the opportunistic parties in the service of Russian state capitalism.  

What Is to Be Done


What Is to Be Done?

2020, 320 p., paperback,

$ 12 £ 9 (€ 10,00)

ISBN 978-2-490073-16-0

What Is to Be Done? for a young communist in the 21st century? How to analyse the upheavals that are characterising the international situation and the changes in the power relations among the imperialist powers and the social classes? How to fight consciously in a revolutionary perspective? These are deep questions that require clear, concrete answers. “Consulting Lenin” via what he wrote in 1902, at the dawn of an unprecedented phase in capitalist development, may allow us to obtain precious indications.

Europe in the Global Collision

Federico Dalvit

Europe in the Global Collision

2019, 252 p., paperback,

$ 22 £ 17 (€ 20,00)

ISBN 978-24-90073-09-2

April 1998, «proletarian opposition to European imperialism and unitary imperialism»: for twenty years this has been the watchword of the masthead of our newspaper, Lotta Comunista. It contains three strategic indications. First of all the imperialist content of the European construction, the ultimate driving force behind which is to be found in the world contention and the reaction to the emergence of Asia and China in particular. This theoretical assumption indicates European unity as imperialist scission, i.e. it means the unification of Europe is not an attenuation of the inter-power tensions, but an exacerbation of the division and clash at a global level. Secondly, opposition to European imperialism, i.e. to the «main enemy at home» in the motto of the internationalists in 1914, presupposes struggle not only against the European Union but also against the national shells. Lastly, class opposition to the global domination of capital is contained in the concept of unitary imperialism: in the unity-scission dialectic – powers fighting among themselves but united in ensuring class domination –, imperialist development has brought with itself a huge increase in the world proletariat. Two billion wage earners: this is the strength of our class at a global level; against the ideologies benumbed by fear of the new political cycle, its vanguard workers must think European in order to look at the world.


Towards the Stategy-Party

Karl Marx

Wage Labour and Capital

Wages, Price and Profit

2018, 111 p., paperback,

$ 6 £ 4,5 (€ 5,00)

ISBN 978-2-490073-02-3

The two texts we have collected together in this volume were written between 1847 and 1865. But even though they were written almost one hundred and fifty years ago, and in spite of their conciseness, they have the amazing ability to clarify a number of current problems. Moreover, they are an illustration of Marx’s ability to «popularise» complex notions: in fact they present the bases of economic analysis in a way that is both simple and scientific. These two works, Wage Labour and Capital and Wages, Price and Profit, offer a solid, irreplaceable base for the study of the Marxist theory of economics.




Guido La Barbera

Lotta Comunista: The Origins 1943 - 1952


2015, 304 pages, pb.,

£ 8,5 or $ 14 (€10,00)

ISBN 978-2-912639-76-9


A party is built on strategy. The group that founded Lotta Comunista came to this conclusion at the close of the 1950s.

It was the central thesis of Class Struggles and the Revolutionary Party, the core text of our organisation, written in 1964. 

As What Is to Be Done? had been for Lenin’s party, so Class Struggles has been and is for Lotta Comunista. 

For Marxism, ‘strategy’ is primarily an assessment of the timescales and forces of class dynamics, from the objective drivingforce _ capitalist development _ to the subjective strength 

of the revolutionary party.

In the beginning, there was the war, and its consequences for Europe – the partitions agreed at Yalta and the myth of Stalin’s USSR as the bastion of world socialism. The Genoa Pontedecimo Convention, held in February 1951, was the deed of partnership of the group that became the original nucleus of Lotta Comunista in the early ‘60s. It was a little group of workers, most of whom had been won to politics while fighting as partisans.

The world and Europe were shrouded in fog in 1951.

The ‘Cold War’ ideology was predominant and the war in Korea made a global confrontation between the USA and the USSR credible. The idea of ‘unitary imperialism’, the banner raised by our internationalist struggle against both Washington and Moscow with its State capitalism was the

choice that ensured the political independence of that ‘handpicked unit’.

Theory and strategy would both be developed from there.

There were not only the USA and the USSR; global capitalist development was seething with contradictions, starting with Asia. Washington and Moscow were capitals of unitary imperialism, but they were not the only ones: there were also London, Paris, Bonn and Tokyo…not to mention Rome.

Seeing things from a scientific point of view is a conquest.

Welded to organisation, it is the only way to prevent the class forces from being influenced or won over by others. Our point of reference is that one ought to know with whom one is dealing: our autonomy from the forces of capital needs to be defended tooth and nail.

This is the secret of our strategy-party.

The Bolshevich Model

Guido La Barbera

The Bolshevik Model

1965 - 1995


2019, 616 p., paperback,

$ 24,00, £ 18,00 (€ 20,00)

ISBN 978-2-490073-01-6

This third volume of the history of Lotta Comunista deals with the thirty-year period from 1965 to 1995, and is the story of the battles that really led us to entrench an organisation on the «Bolshevik model». […]

Four generations in a party would not have been possible without theory, science, and organisation, but also without the passion of participating in that collective enterprise.

The fighting spirit for such a great cause, communism as a truly human society, is, instead, the propellant for political passion: enthusiasm in understanding, enthusiasm in fighting.

Towards the Stategy-Party

Guido La Barbera

Lotta Comunista: Towards

the Strategy-Party

1953 - 1965


2018, 326 p., paperback,

$ 12,00, £ 9,00 (€ 10,00)

ISBN 978-2-912639-98-1

This book continues the story of Lotta Comunista after the first volume narrating what happened to the original group between 1943 and 1952.

In the mid-’50s, as a result of the crisis of Stalinism, GAAP, the Anarchist Groups of Proletarian Action, entered into dialogue with Azione Comunista. The latter was a political grouping of maximalist stamp that initially worked as a pressure group within the PCI. It left it in 1956, the momentous year of the “Khrushchev Report”, the Suez crisis and the repression of the workers’ uprising in Hungary.

Within a few years, from 1955 to 1958, Azione Comunista completed the essential part of its course, especially after the group merged with GAAP into the Movement of the Communist Left in 1957. The current more closely linked to the libertarian tradition at first saw the emergence of PCI

dissidence as an opportunity that could substitute proselytism among the anarchists, which had ended in deadlock; in the end it would propose merging the movement with Nenni’s PSI.

A Milanese maximalist splinter group would still remain in the Communist Left, until it fell prey to the Maoist myth shortly afterwards. The majority would return to the PCI or would lapse into passivity.

A small group, including Arrigo Cervetto and Lorenzo Parodi, would retained their political autonomy and gave birth to Lotta Comunista in 1965.

This was the result of a decade of heated battles of a small group to reject the many influences – both national and international – that acted upon Azione Comunista and the more general phenomenon of the crisis of Stalinism in Italy.

The other face of the decade was a double victory for both strategic elaboration – with the theory of unitary imperialism and the 1957 “Theses” – and in party theory – with the book Class Struggles and the Revolutionary Party.

This was the crux of the matter: political autonomy based on strategic clarity. In spite of a thousand adversities and some mistakes, continuity with Marx and Lenin’s revolutionary science had been restored. It would give Leninism a chance to recover in Italy.

The New Strategic Phase         


Guido La Barbera

The New Strategic Phase

2015, 317 pages, pb.,

£ 15 or $ 23  (€20,00)

ISBN 978-2-912639-73-8

What do we mean by the «new strategic phase»?

The United States' decision to intervene in Iraq in 2003 was born as «a war by choice» that was meant to change the regional and global balance of power. This «political war» confirmed the decades-old strategic framework of the «Carter Doctrine» – to impede the hegemony of any single power in the region – but it did so with two distinct objectives. The immediate objective was regime change in Iraq. The strategic objective was China. In quasi-explicit terms the «Bush Doctrine» reaffirmed that American control over the Persian Gulf was designed both to condition China and to prevent the spread of Chinese influence in the region. China poses a threat not only because of its increasing industrial power, but because of its growing dependence on oil from the Middle East.

We concluded at the time that if the United States had considered it necessary to intervene directly in a war to maintain the balance of power, then international relations had entered a phase of definition – the tensions and contradictions of the global contest had crossed an important threshold. The following year (2004) we used the term new strategic phase for the first time. It was used in the preface to the new edition of “Class Struggles and the Revolutionary Party”, which was published to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of this key text for our party theory. This work dealt with the conception of our strategy-party and its “1957 Theses”, which, in a certain sense, represent the «strategic constitution» of our party. For the past fifty years, this analytical work on long-term capitalist development (especially capitalism in Asia) has provided the scientific framework for the definition of the role of our revolutionary party, and a guide for the consolidation of our party in such an advanced metropolis of imperialism as Italy.

Now that new imperialist powers are rising in the east – namely China – and European imperialism has created the euro federation, the cycle that we had identified has come to an end and a «new strategic phase» has opened. The new characteristic of this cycle is the struggle among continent-size powers: the nation-states and the concept of sovereign power that was born in Europe are no longer sufficient for the new struggle. China and Europe are the crux of the matter in this new phase.

As for our party's tasks in this new strategic phase, the recent crises have confirmed the global concentrations of the proletariat and – for the first time – the existence of real potential. A billion people will participate in tumultuous transformations and be directly affected by social change during the next decade. They represent an objective opportunity for our revolutionary strategy.

The transformation of this potential into the subjective forces of internationalist communism is the question we face, and the unprecedented challenge of this new phase. The march of the new units of the global proletariat in China, Brazil, the Middle East and Turkey has just begun. Class energies are present, but their form and direction are unknown. This is also why the consolidation of Bolshevism within European imperialism is of fundamental importance for the internationalist strategy of our worldwide class.




2014, 760 pages, pb.,

£ 17 or $ 28 € (€€20,00)

ISBN 978-2-912639-67-7

Arrigo Cervetto

Unitary Imperialism Vol. I


Unitary Imperialism Vol. II



2016, 709 pages, pb.,

£ 17 or $ 28 (€20,00)

ISBN 978-2-912639-83-7


This book is a collection of the analyses of international relations made by Arrigo Cervetto during the first thirty years of his activity as a militant revolutionary. This great analytical work is the outcome of the political battle that Cervetto fought during those years to restore Leninism to Italy, and cannot be separated from his particular interpretation of Lenin’s political legacy.

For Cervetto, and for the small group of revolutionaries that gather round him after the Second World War, this return to Lenin is the indispensable prerequisite for the formulation of a revolutionary strategy. In other words, via Leninism, these militants aspire to raise the communist movement out of the abyss the Fascist, Stalinist and Social-Democratic counterrevolution had cast it into.

The title of this book picks up a concept, that of «unitary imperialism» in fact, which had been worked out starting from the internationalist debate of the early ‘50s. From a political point of view, asserting the existence of «unitary imperialism» at that moment in history meant saying above all that one attributed to the ussr, as well as to all the so-called «socialist camp», the same social nature as its opposing Western «capitalist camp».

Internationalism thus found a solid theoretical base, but the concept of «unitary imperialism» goes much further than its occasional use in the political struggle against Stalinism. In his effort to link up with the essence of the Len­inist conception of the revolutionary party, Arrigo Cervetto finds the central core of the continuity between Marx and Lenin in the concept of socio-eco­nomic formation.

Cervetto demonstrates that this scientific acquisition of Marx’s is the starting point of Lenin’s elaboration and goes so far as to maintain, and to prove, that the Leninist Party is the solution to the problems posed by “Capital”, that «the party [is] the apotheosis of Marxist science».

The great mass of the material collected in these volumes testifies to Arrigo Cervetto’s commitment to his effort to put his conception of the party and the revolutionary struggle into practice.



Class Struggles and the Revolutionary Party

Arrigo Cervetto

Class Struggles and the Revolutionary Party

2000, 160 pages, pb.
$ 11 or £ 6.6 (€11,00)
ISBN 978-2-912639-06-6


Lenin affirmed that without a revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement. His statement seems simple, but, in reality, it is anything but that since the revolutionary theory is more complex than it may seem to a formal reading of Lenin’s political texts. Leninist theory is, precisely, the outcome of a profound scientific analysis of social reality. And, at the same time, it is a class instrument for acting in a historically determined society’s economic structures and political superstructures. If we study the Leninist concept of the party, we immediately find ourselves faced with revolutionary theory as Marxist science. That is, we are faced with the issue of the scientific foundations of political action. In other words, it is not possible to understand the Leninist concept of the party unless one understands the entire scientific analysis of the economic structure that constitutes – in Marx and Lenin – its base. Removed from its scientific platform, the Leninist concept of the party would appear to be a monument – perhaps even a gigantic one – to political will. It would be a monument to the theory of power, to the theory of organization, but it would be a monument without a pedestal.

This explains why formal acceptance of some Leninist theses still does not represent the assimilation of the revolutionary theory. That is, it does not represent assimilation of the general scientific concept that is Leninism’s foundation. Consequently, the Leninist concept of the party is the result of a Marxist economic analysis and without applying this latter, we cannot reach – even on an organizational level – the former. Even Lenin’s life story as a Marxist illustrates this dialectical path. Hence, the problem to face the entire issue of how to assimilate the revolutionary theory.

Class Struggles and the Revolutionary Party is the result of an investigation into these problems.


The Difficult Question of Times

Arrigo Cervetto

The Difficult Question of Times

2003, 160 pages, pb.
$ 11 or £ 6.6 (€11,00),
ISBN 978-2-912639-08-0


With regard to man as a biological individual, time is set by the experience of generations – childhood, adolescence, youth, middle age, and old age succeed each other and provide time with a rhythm. Tragic events, whether individual or collective, can take place, socio-economic changes can extend the average life (as occurred in the 20th century), but in any case the significance of biological time is a stable element.

Political time, on the contrary, is a historical time subject to the dialectics of accelerations and decelerations. “There are days that are worth twenty years – Cervetto reminds us, citing Marx – and yet, in the movement of matter, one day is one day.” The strategic divide of 1989, that sanctioned the end of the East-European State-capitalist regimes that had been passed off as socialism, was a remarkable evidence thereof.

Biological time and historical time merge in the psychologies of the individuals who are the protagonists of class struggle. This is difficult terrain, because it is subject to the inevitable commingling of rationality and emotions. A revolutionary, a Marxist, anticipates the paces of social changes in his heart. It should not surprise, therefore, that the class movement, through the voice and understanding of its best representatives, has often imagined faster paces than the actual ones. At the end of the 19th century, during a phase of full capitalist expansion, August Bebel did not realize it, and affirmed at the convention of the Social-Democratic party in Erfurt (1891): “Indeed, I am convinced the realization of our goals is so close at hand that few of you in this hall will not live to see it.”

Science only can emancipate us from the ascendancy of present time, that almost inevitably leads to mistakes about the reality of today – perceived as absolute reality, independent of any evolution – and thence prepares the disappointments of tomorrow.

This emancipation, this freedom, does not pursue any abstractly predicted aims, but practical objectives. Cervetto wrote: “Revolutionary strategy is based on the analysis of times, not to arrange the future, a task for which an objective real movement doesn’t have any need, but rather to establish time deadlines that can act as references in defining immediate tasks in the present, the tasks of tactics. (...) Tactics address temporary situations that are multi-faceted combinations, to take up Lenin’s definition, of long-term historical processes.” The more solid the strategy, the more flexible can tactics be. The ‘question of times’ finds its place in practice, in the daily struggle: “Science is freedom, and it is such because it is not a theory detached from practice. Instead, it is practice guided by theory.”


The Political Shell

Arrigo Cervetto

The Political Shell

2006, 304 pages, pb.
$ 18 or £ 10 (€15,00)
ISBN 978-2-912639-16-5


This work is a methodological development running in parallel with the analysis of the Italian standing “imbalance”, as it was investigated in “The Uneven Political Development”. As is written in the Introduction, this book collects Cervetto’s reflections on the materialist conception of politics in 1977-81 and 1984-89. It is the theoretical side of a strategic issue.

It was necessary to underline the dialectical character in the structure/superstructure relationship through a sharp criticism of both mechanism – which reduces political analysis to econometric evaluations – and the idea of the primacy of politics – which takes no account of the actual economic determination.

The connection with the sound foundations of Marx and Engels’s thought is shown in illuminating and less-known passages quoted from their works, as well as from Lenin’s. This is the basis whereupon a comparison with Eduard Bernstein’s liberal arguments, Heinrich Cunow’s revisionist ideas, Lev Trotsky’s tacticalism between the two world wars, Hans Kelsen’s normative approach, and Pëtr Struve’s objectivism can be drawn effectively.

The investigation into the actual characters of democracy in the imperialist epoch marks this book throughout and accounts for its extreme up-to-dateness in a critical stage of the best possible “political shell” for capitalism.


Method and The Science party


Arrigo Cervetto

Method and the Science-Party


2012, 192 pages, pb., £ 8.5 $ 14 € 10
ISBN 978-2-912639-57-8
2012, 192 pages, pb.,
£ 8.5 or $ 14  (€10,00)
ISBN 978-2-912639-57-8


The writings now collected in Method and the Science-Party seek «the theoretical axis» of the world-shaking transition in the multipolar contention – which has one of its kingpins in European unification – in the origins of method and of political science, as well as in modern history from the sixteenth century on .

This is a transition that updates to a continental chessboard our «unprecedented task» of entrenching the Bolshevik party in an imperialist metropolis.

It is no coincidence that ten years after the 1989 strategic divide, the authors of the ideologies and political theories of European imperialism are posing themselves the problems of the crisis and the transformation of the nation-state, and are seeking the touchstone for the European process precisely in the emergence of the modern states from medieval society.<

In the Far East, where decades of turbulent development have engulfed the hundred thousand villages of backwardness and dragged billions of individuals into the modern era of class struggle, crises, and capitalist wars, it is the glare of nuclear explosions that is accompanying the rise of new powers and the consolidation of their states.

All of this provides the ideologues of super-imperialism, today reincarnated in the bards of peaceful globalisation, with a Sisyphean task.

While the European bourgeoisies attempt to conceive a continental state after the bloodletting of two imperialist world wars, the Asian epicentre is generating new Leviathans with nuclear claws.

Starting from Europe five centuries ago, capitalism undoubtedly unified the world market, but only for the world to be once again divided and shaken violently by imperialist competition, its crises, and its wars. Meanwhile, however, it has made the proletariat universal for the first time in history.


The Crisis in Global Relations

Nicola Capelluto

The Crisis in Global Relations

2011, 416 pages, pb.,
£ 17 $ 28 € 20
ISBN 978-2-912639-47-9


It was August 2007 when the crisis broke out in the heart of American and European imperialism. The depth of the financial crisis was revealed in a whirlwind acceleration starting from the spring of 2008. Between March and September about ten of the biggest American financial institutions failed.

In the same period in Europe, a similar number of banks were saved by governments or other banks. The catastrophe was mainly concentrated in the month of September, and has gone down in the collective memory in a simplified form: “the collapse of the Lehman Brothers”. The panic that ensued set off the recession.

The recession was braked by huge public, fiscal, and monetary interventions, but above all by emerging Asia, which continued to grow at an almost 7 % rate while the advanced economies were retreating by 3.2 %. But without that vast world area that kept its engines revved up, the recession of the mature economies would have been much longer, and it would have been much harder to curb the initial protectionist pressures.

The crisis itself has resulted in a number of changes that are already the outcome of the interimperialist struggle. The Anglo-Saxon financial model has come out of it badly crippled.

The financial giants have demonstrated that they still have widespread influence over the political world, but the myth of their invincibility has been destroyed.

The global extension of the crisis and of the new phase of the imperialist contention has confirmed the need for continent-sized states and monetary areas.

China’s continental dimension does not only change the proportions but also the strategic sense of the struggle between rising and declining powers, from every point of view.

The overwhelming public debt with which the old metropolises exit the crisis will make them vulnerable for at least a decade. The challenge in this field, which has no foregone conclusion, will be to retain the liberist nature of the cycle by limiting its infringements or protectionist exceptions.

Crises lead to disappointment and disillusion, but also to fear and confusion. For the working class they are moments of suffering and of the need for clarity, moments that are difficult to overcome, because it is precisely in times of crisis that the bourgeoisie seeks to set proletarian against proletarian, setting the instinct for self-preservation against the instinct for solidarity. But it is self-evident that crises are the confession of the impotence of capitalism in the face of its contradictions, the recantation of its promises to the younger generations, and the unmasking of democracy before growing social disparity. Crises provide the best moment to reaffirm that our class numbers mean that we are strong only if we are guided by Marxist science and organisation.

the unprecedent task


Renato Pastorino

The Unprecedented Task


2012, 184 pages, pb., £ 8.5 $ 14 € 10
ISBN 978-2-912639-57-8
2012, 192 pages, pb.,
£ 8.5 or $ 14  (€10,00)
ISBN 978-2-912639-55-4


Written at the turn of the new millenium, this work is a reordering of the problems daily encountered in the struggle to organise the working class.

The 'Unprecedented Task' at stake today is the establishment of a revolutionary party on the Bolshevik model within the social fabric of imperialist maturity.

In the pages of this book, we can follow all the stages in the fundamental political battle of this phase – to consolidate an organised Leninist force in the heart of Europen imperialism.

The problems of this battle are confronted in relation to the key tendencies in the world struggle, and the crucial issues that internationalist policy has had to, must today, and will in the future require to tackle.



Reactionary Terrorism
Imperialist Europeanism
Communist Internationalism




2017, 288 pages, pb.,

£ 8.5 or $ 11  (€10,00)

ISBN 978-2-912639-92-9

The crisis in the Middle East has activated the pedlars of fear... fear created by "reactionary terrorism", that tool of the Middle Eastern bourgeoisies that has become uncontrollable, and that has no scruples in massacring helpless workers and in stirring up fanaticism and racial hatred... and the fears agitated in return in Europe and the West, either through xenophobic populism used calculatedly to grab votes, or by imperialist Europeanism, delighted with the opportunity to try out its mass ideologies, from "Fortress Europe" to the revisited myths of the "clash of civilisations". The common sense distilled by newspapers and TV channels suddenly changes. It is now the moment of speakers' platforms and demagogues, of turncoat intellectuals, of the smart journalist in search of editorial opportunities, and even of the priest. Taking notes is a useful exercise: this is how they will show tomorrow's imperialist mobilisations, when Europe will have to be mobilised in its defence as the giants of imperialism clash.

And yet, all of this is not inevitable. There is an alternative to war, terror, fanaticism and the ideologies with which they want to subjugate consciences. The proletariat has the colossal force of its numbers. In North Africa and the Middle East, from Morocco to the Persian Gulf, wage earners have risen from 25 million to almost 70 million in thirty-five years: they would be strong enough to throw off the corrupt, ruinous bourgeoisies. And what a power they would be, united to Europe's 200 million wage earners, India's 220 million, China's 350 million, to the proletariat of the whole world!

The proletariat, a world power, against the powers of capital and imperialism: this is the only answer to a world of fear.

Revolutionary Science and Passion


Revolutionary Science and Passion



2020, 216 p., paperback,

$ 12,00, £ 10,00 (€ 11,00)

ISBN 978-2-490073-26-9

In the light of the devastating socio-economic effects unleashed by the pandemic-of-the-century crisis that is upsetting the whole world, we repropose in all of its explosive topicality what Friedrich Engels – the 200th anniversary of whose birth we celebrate – argued was “the whole of the social antagonisms of today” when, in the pages of his Anti-Dühring, he blamed the “anarchy of [capitalist] social production” and the “coercive laws of competition”, which “blindly” impose themselves “independently of the producers, and in antagonism to them”, to the point of giving birth to a system in which “the product governs the producers” – a world that does not recognise the “social nature” of the modern productive forces, and in which both science and production, subject to a one-sidedappropriation, continue to be caught up in a capital and interstate war that prevents their free expression towards a truly human development.


1919 The Communist International

Gian Giacomo Cavicchioli
Emilio Gianni


The Communist International

2019, paperback, 313 pages.

$ 12 £ 9 (€ 10,00)

ISBN 978-2-490073-15-3

One hundred years from the foundation of the Communist International, the Third International. We remember that crucial event for our struggle with the biographies of one hundred militants who participated in that attempt to build the world party, but this cannot be enough. Precisely, our element is struggle: every commemoration would be an end in itself unless it were also a taking stock of the situation and a lesson to capitalise on; unless it were a weapon for today’s battles.

The Crisis in Global Relations

Edited By Gian Giacomo Cavicchioli

October 17




2017, 272 p., paperback,

$ 12,00, £ 9,00 (€ 10,00)

ISBN 978-2-912639-06-7

This is the first lesson of 1917, its highly topical and fecund legacy – strategy party means bringing the consciousness of decisive world facts to our class. This was the case a hundred years ago, in the October assault in Russia. This is the case today, in our battle to entrench a Bolshevik Party in the heart of European imperialism. And it will be the case tomorrow, when the imperialist contention will once again leave no alternatives: either war or revolution, either Socialism or barbarism.

Then there is a second lesson. The slogan of the German Spartacists «The Main Enemy Is at Home » stands out on the first issue of our newspaper. That allusion from the 1914-18 internationalist battle is a point of reference for today, both in our struggle against the ideologies of the ‘small’ homeland of the nation-states and the new ideology of the ‘big’ homeland of the European continental State.

Today the « locomotive of history » that is driving the international struggles of the classes and of the States is not yet imperialist war, but it is huge, uneven, economic and political development it is Asia’s rise that is preparing the future breakdown of order, but meanwhile it proceeds in the present amidst increasingly intense crises and partial conflicts. Chinese imperialism is emerging, European imperialism is on the move, the Atlantic powers are declining and those of the Pacific are gaining a foothold continent-size forces are fighting each other.

Tomorrow revolutionary defeatism will establish the class autonomy of every sector of the world proletariat, in the new assault against every bourgeoisie and every imperialism. For us, today, «the main enemy is at home» means «proletarian opposition to European and unitary imperialism».

This is our slogan. It is the offspring of the October Revolution.





David B. Rjazanov

The Origins of the First International


2014, 132 pages, pb.,

£ 5 or $ 8,5  (€6)

ISBN 978-2-912639-69-1

“When on 28 September 1864, with the participation of English, French, German, Italian, Swiss and Polish delegates, the International Working Men's Association (IWA) was founded in London's St. Martin's Hall, the total number of wage earners in the world did not exceed a few tens of millions, stabilising at below 5% of the total population of the time. They were mainly concentrated in Britain and France, besides smaller numbers in other countries of the Old Continent such as Germany and Italy. In the “New World” on the other shore of the Atlantic, the explosion of capitalism and big industry was still to come and only around 1890 would American wage earners reach 15 million. Not to mention Asia, at the time the seat of despotism and the land of “a hundred thousand villages”.

This was the size of our world class when Marx in the Inaugural Address of the International Working Men's Association, written the following month, launched his historic appeal «Proletarians of all countries, unite!».

Almost one hundred years later, in the mid-twentieth century, the numbers of the international proletariat verged on 300 million, out of a global population of about two and a half billion. There would be a billion wage earners around 1990 and a billion and a half in the first years of the last decade.


Today, the figure stands at about two billion and, together with their families, they now account for the majority of the human race.


From: Publisher's Note

The Communist Choice


The Communist Choice

«without revolutionary theory,
there can be no revolutionary movement
(Lenin, 1902).

2009, 160 pages, paperback,
$7 or £4.5 (€5.00)
ISBN 978-2-912639-37-0


Many young people have repeatedly asked us to provide a short publication that would summarise in a concise manner the fundamental points of the political line of the Leninist current of thought. No easy task, since as Arrigo Cervetto wrote: «revolutionary theory is more complex than it may seem from a formal reading of Lenin’s political texts. Leninist theory is the precise outcome of a profound scientific analysis of social reality (...) if we study the Leninist concept of the party, we immediately find ourselves faced with revolutionary theory as Marxist science (...) in other words, it is not possible to understand the Leninist concept of the party unless one understands the entire scientific analysis of the economic structure that constitutes – in Marx and Lenin – its base».
[Arrigo Cervetto: “Class Sruggles and the Revolutionary Party”, Chapter I – èditions Science Marxiste]


our internationalist struggle



Our Internationalist Struggle


2012, 184 pages, pb., £ 8.5 $ 14 € 10
ISBN 978-2-912639-57-8
2011, 120 pages, pb.,
£ 4 or $ 7  (€5,00)
ISBN 978-2-912639-52-3


Today the internationalist battle is fought over ground already occupied by the clash between imperialist forces of continental dimensions. A number of texts issued by our publishing house contain in preface both synthesis and theoretical organisation of the general lines of this new strategic phase...

This is no coincidence. Marxism, as the science of social change, develops its own theoretical tools in its continuous drive to follow, understand and interpret the movement of the matter it studies. Since it is a science at the service of revolution, Marxism cannot indulge in academic rhetoric, and at times even a systematic treatment of its subject has been a luxury it has been unable to afford. Most often Marxist science has lived and grown under the pressure of a daily political struggle, its compass and its banner the newspaper that not only furnished its theory, but following Lenin's formula was also propagandist, agitator, and collective organiser. Republishing their works – perhaps years after they were written – or writing intorductions to collected articles, Marx and Engels produced prefaces containing some of their most important scientific synthesis.

The imperialist clash is speeding up, and in the light of this the battle to establish a strong internationalist minority in the heart of European imperialism has become a battle against time. We place this collection at the service of this struggle.


May Day

in working-class history

2013, 173 pages pb.,
£ 4,5 $ 7 (€ 5,0)
ISBN 978-2-912639-61-5

Those who don't learn the lessons of the past are likely to commit the same mistakes in the future, and consequently, history is worthy of study in all disciplines, and particularly in politics! This account comprises facts of historical record, and places the political magnifying glass over the instructive and terrible events of over 120 years ago, that answer the question of why the First of May was chosen as International Workers' Day, or May Day.

The Civil War in France


The Civil War in France



2021, 160 p., paperback,

$ 6,00, £ 5,00 (€ 6,00)

ISBN 978-2-490073-32-0

When 150 years ago, in March 1871, the young Paris proletariat attempted to “storm heaven”, fiercely put down by the bloody reaction of the French bourgeoisie - in agree­ment, on that occasion, with the Prussian invader to crush their common deadly enemy - it was once again clear, as is written in the Manifesto, that the history of all hitherto existing societies is “the history of class struggle”. […]

It lasted for only two months. And yet an unreplaceable legacy of experiences was concentrated in the short span of that ardent season, in the heart of Paris. It definitive­ly resolved, when put to the test, a series of fundamental theoretical issues of socialism. It was the first attempt to create a new world:  a revolution, according to what Marx  stated in his first draft of the text, “not against this or that – legitimist, constitutional, republican, or imperialist form of state”, but against the state itself. It was against this “supernatural abortion of society”, the tool of the “war engine of capital against labour”, for the “resumption by the people for the people of its own social life”.

The State and Revolution


The State and Revolution

Reading, Arrigo Cervetto, The Restoration of Marxist Theory


2017, 180 p., paperback,

$ 6 £ 4,50 (€ 5,00)

ISBN 978-2-912639-94-3

Lenin explains that in the decades of relatively peaceful development of capitalism, from 1871 to 1914, the social materials that would give birth to social-imperialism accumulated. This objective process emerged in various ideologies; all of them had a common feature: «opportunistic prejudices» about the nature of the State. The revolutionary process was destined to be stifled by nihilism, maximalism, and inconclusiveness; to meet with self-destruction, unless it got out of the quicksand of prejudices against the State.

The first imperialist world war produced the material conditions for revolution: in February 1917 the political crisis in Russia emerged in an acute form, leading to the fall of the autocracy and the birth of the most democratic of republics. What was arrived at was dual power. The parliament and government co-existed with the soviets, the most genuine expression of the revolutionary forces’ political shell: the workers and poor peasants in uniform.

The Russian revolutionary labour movement had to operate politically within the framework of the most democratic republic history has ever produced. Without a revolutionary theory about the nature of the bourgeois State there could not be a revolutionary movement of opposition to the most efficient shell of this State: democracy.

The rapid succession of events in just a few weeks put the Marxist theory of the State on the agenda. This theory immediately became a practical struggle, a struggle for existence. Either communism or bourgeois democracy: the real process did not offer alternatives. We can say that, with Marx, communism was the real movement that revolutionised the state of present things; in the Russian 1917, these present things were embodied in the democratic bourgeois republic itself.

As this struggle for the existence of our concept flared up, Lenin wrote The State and Revolution in August-September 1917.



Friedrich Engels


2012, 192 pages, pb., £ 8.5 $ 14 € 10
ISBN 978-2-912639-57-8
2013, 496 pages,pb., 
£ 6 or $ 10  (€7,00)
ISBN 978-2-912639-63-9

This reprint of Anti-Dühring includes two articles written by Arrigo Cervetto in 1978, a century after the Lipsia publication of this work of Engels, much of which was produced with the collaboration of Marx himself.

There is ample evidence that this work played an essential role in forming generations of Marxists. [...]

D. Riazanov, in a conference on Marx and Engels – part of a course on Marxism held at the Socialist Academy in 1922 – said that:

«Thanks to it, the young generation who became militants around 1876-1880 learnt  the true nature of scientific socialism, its philosophical principles, and its methods. Anti-Dühring is the best introduction to the study of ‘Capital’. We need only read the articles written during that period by so-called Marxists to see what strange conclusions they drew from ‘Capital’, which they interpreted in a haphazard fashion. We have to acknowledge that no book apart from ‘Capital’ has worked to spread the particular method and system of Marxism as much Anti-Dühring. All the young Marxists … who got their first experiences between 1880 and 1885 started by studying this work».

Anti-Dühring was a weapon in the theoretical and political struggle against eclecticism. The working-class movement got over its first infantile disorder thanks to this work of Engels and Marx – a work that did not remain shut up in some intellectual ivory tower, but became «science translated into militancy, to become struggle». [...]

From: Editor’s Note



Imperialism, The Highest Stage of Capitalism

 (A Popular Outline)

Arrigo Cervetto
The marxist theory of international relations

2016, 163 pages, pb.,

£ 6 or $ 4,50  (€ 5)

ISBN 978-2-912639-86-8

Thanks to historical materialism and the dialectical method, Marx and Engels put at the disposal of the human race the possibility of extending the scientific method to the study of history and society. This is already a very important result; but Marxist science is much more than that. Applied to the human world, Marxist science explains the processes that make communism a historical necessity, allows the scientific definition of the strategy for the communist revolution, and assures the proletariat of its superiority over the other classes, a superiority that only such a scientific strategy assures.

All Marxist works are born as weapons in the revolutionary battle for communism and can only survive as such. In one and a half centuries, the struggles of many generations of Marxists have accumulated a scientific heritage that is unfortunately little known and even less used today.

Arrigo Cervetto, who saw in Marxist science the salient feature of the Leninist Party and founded his attempt to transfer the Bolshevik experience of Tsarist Russia to the Italy of the post-wwii period on this hypothesis, defined the Marxist science heritage as a still largely unexplored goldmine.

To bring back to the light of day a part of this theoretical goldmine for the English-speaking reader is the task that our publishing house has set itself, with the aim of providing theoretical weapons for the revolutionary battle for communism and not of spreading culture.

All the reality of this 21st century reveals the full import of the scientifically founded revolutionary strategy contained in the final appeal of the Manifesto “Workers of all countries, unite!”  More than ever, an international proletariat that has swollen to huge proportions has the urgent need to rediscover Marxist science and, in view of the battles that await it, to anchor its revolutionary preparation in it.

The work to do is immense. Our Marxist Science Publications catalogue is the yardstick by which to measure the contribution we have so far succeeded in making.


Today, the figure stands at about two billion and, together with their families, they now account for the majority of the human race.


From: Publisher's Note

lenin and the chinese revolution


Arrigo Cervetto

Lenin and the Chinese Revolution


2012, 184 pages, pb., £ 8.5 $ 14 € 10
ISBN 978-2-912639-57-8
2013, 146 pages, pb.,
£ 4,5 or $ 7  (€5,00)
ISBN 978-2-912639-58-5




This work includes a Leninist re-reading of one of the highest points of the struggle and the political experience of the modern revolutionary class: the October Revolution and the attempt to build the strategy-party on a world scale. Arrigo Cervetto follows Lenin's thinking – contained in a number of his articles, reproduced in the Appendix – on the importance of the movement that in the China of 1912 established the democratic republic. Going beyond the defeat of the October Revolution, Lenin's predictions on the consequences of Asia's development were to remain the corner-stone of subsequent cycles of the class struggle. It is more important than ever to turn to these texts today, when global development is dominated by the irruption of Asia onto the world scene.



March 1919 The Costitution

of the Communist International

2013, 72 pages pb.,
£ 4 $ 6 (€ 5,0)

On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the constitution of the Communist International, Arrigo Cervetto wrote: “At the moment in which the most advanced part of our class is demonstrating that it is possible to organise ourselves into a single, communist, world party, there is now the historical proof that all the proletariat can do the same and that communism is not a utopia, but the future of the world.” It has been done, and it can be done again.

The material collected in this anthology dates back to the first months of 1919. The dates on which these writings saw the light of day, and even more the state of the world in those days, are indispensable to the understanding of their significance.



The working Class and the State

2013, 16 pages pb.,
£ 4 $ 5 (€ 4,0)

“As a political organization, the State is the vital tool of the dictatorship of one class over another. The modern bourgeois State is born and develops out of irreconcilable class struggle and the antagonism between wages and profit: out of the bourgeoisie's need (in present-day society) to increase the mass of the exploited under its rule: out of class struggle between exploiters and exploited, oppressors and oppressed, rulers and ruled: out of the mass of poverty that increases to contrast wealth and luxury. Without exploitation the State would not exist: without the State the current ruling class, the bourgeoisie, would see its chances of exploiting the growing mass of proletarians disappear.”



suezcanal Lorenzo Parodi 

Party Co-founder, Worker-Theoretician and Revolutionary Leader

The Suez Canal Company

2011, 32 pages pb.,
£ 3 $ 5 (€ 4,0)

Lorenzo Parodi's Fortunate Life

 Lorenzo Parodi passed away in Genoa on 31 July. Born in 1926, a worker at Ansaldo Meccanico and a resistance fighter in the partisan struggle in the libertarian communist ranks, co-founder with Arrigo Cervetto of our party in the Leninist tradition, a theoretician and revolutionary leader, for thirty-four years, from April 1977 to a few weeks before his death, Parodi was the managing editor of the newspaper “Lotta Comunista”.



The Atom and the industrialization of the Space Franco Palumberi 

The Atom and the Industrialization of the Science

1° “Scientific Development and Industrial Revolution”

2012, 40 pages pb.,
£ 3 $ 5 (€ 4,0)

“Modern natural science — the only one which can come into consideration qua science as against the brilliant intuitions of the Greeks and the sporadic unconnected investigations of the Arabs — begins with that mighty epoch when feudalism was smashed by the burghers. In the background of the struggle between the burghers of the towns and the feudal nobility this epoch showed the peasant in revolt, and behind the peasant the revolutionary beginnings of the modern proletariat, already red flag in hand and with communism on its lips. It was the epoch which brought into being the great monarchies in Europe, broke the spiritual dictatorship of the Pope, evoked the revival of Greek antiquity and with it the highest artistic development of the new age, broke through the boundaries of the old world, and for the first time really discovered the world.”

Appendix III «Dialectics of Nature» F. Engels This special issue of the February 2012 Internationalist Bulletin presents a selection of a large number of articles written by Franco Palumberi and published in Lotta Comunista from July 2006 to August 2011 in the series 'The atom and the industrialisation of science' which is still ongoing.



theatom2 Franco Palumberi 

The Atom and the Industrialization of the Science

2° “The Communications' Revolution: The Telegraph”

2012, 40 pages pb.,
£ 3 $ 5 (€ 4,0)

“Thus the productive forces are the result of man's practical energy, but that energy is in turn circumscribed by the conditions in which man is placed by the productive forces already acquired, by the form of society that exists before him, which he does not create, which is the product of the preceding generation”. Marx, Letter to Annenkov, 28 December 1846

This special issue of the May 2012 Internationalist Bulletin presents a selection of a large number of articles written by Franco Palumberi and published in Lotta Comunista from December 2006 to November 2007 in the series 'The atom and the industrialisation of science' which is still ongoing.



theatom3 Franco Palumberi 

The Atom and the Industrialization of the Science

3° “The Energy's' Revolution: The Steam Engine”

2012, 40 pages pb.,
£ 3 $ 5 (€ 4,0)

“The steam engine was the first really international invention”

Chapter V «Dialectics of Nature» F. Engels

This special issue of the August 2012 Internationalist Bulletin presents a selection of a large number of articles written by Franco Palumberi and published in Lotta Comunista from December 2009 to March 2011 in the series 'The atom and the industrialisation of science' which is still ongoing.